Tuesday, September 30, 2008
Thursday, September 11, 2008
To all writters
To all those who feel like posting any advert, writings or scripts on the Black T!me, Contact Lebses mo 0791658488. Enjoy, and it can only get better with your support, so lets build our black communities!
Biko’s banning, arrest, death and inquest
The development of the BCM clearly threatened the settler machinery. It was only a matter of time before Steve Biko was banned by the government. In 1973 he was formally banned and confined to the magisterial district of King William’s Town, his birth place. Among other things, the banning entailed prohibiting him from teaching or making public addresses (or speaking to more than one person at a time), preventing him from entering educational institutions and reporting to the local police station once every week. For breaking these provisions a “banee” would be stigmatised as a criminal. In spite of being banned, Biko continued to advance the work of Black Consciousness. For instance, he established an Eastern Cape branch of BCP and through BCP he organised literacy and dressmaking classes and health education programmes. Quite significantly, he set up a health clinic outside King William’s Town for poor rural Blacks who battled to access city hospitals.
The banning and detention of several SASO and BPC leaders under the Terrorism Act threatened to cripple the Black Consciousness Movement. However, the accused used the seventeen-month trial that followed as a platform to state the case of Black Consciousness. Although they were found guilty and sentenced to various terms of imprisonment for revolutionary conspiracy they were later acquitted. Their convictions further strengthened the Black Consciousness movement. The repression instituted under the Terrorism Act caused Blacks to lose sympathy with moderate revolutionary policies, leading to more militancy and hope for emancipation. During the Soweto riots of June 1976 there were violent clashes between high school students (protesting the use of Afrikaans as the medium of academic instruction) and police marking the beginning of widespread urban unrest, which threatened law and order.
The wave of strikes during and after Soweto demonstrated, to a large extent, the influence Biko exerted on South African socio-political life. Although he did not directly take part in the Soweto riots, the influence of Black Consciousness ideas spurred students to fight an unjust system particularly after they were compelled to accept Afrikaans as a language for use in schools. In the wake of the urban revolt of 1976 and with the prospects of national revolution becoming increasingly real, security police detained Biko, the outspoken student leader, on August 18th. At this time Biko had begun studying law by mail through the University of South Africa/UNISA. He was thirty years old and was reportedly extremely fit when arrested. He was taken to Port Elizabeth but was later transferred to Pretoria where he died in detention under mysterious circumstances in 1977.
Thirteen Western nations sent diplomats to his funeral on 25 September. Nevertheless, police actions prevented thousands of mourners from reaching the funeral venue from Johannesburg, Durban, Cape Town and other areas on the grounds that this would lead to lawlessness. Police armed with FN rifles and machine guns erected and manned a number of roadblocks to prevent thousands of mourners from all over the country to converge on the town for the funeral of Steve Biko. Mourners from the Transvaal were barred from attending the funeral when permits were refused for buses. One of the speakers, Dr. Nthato Motlana, who flew from Johannesburg after he was blocked off when attempting to travel by road, said at the funeral that he had watched with disgust as black police hauled mourners off the buses in Soweto and assaulted them with truncheons. The physician said he had treated 30 of the mourners, some for fractured skulls, and allegedly witnessed a number of young women being raped.
Later in the day, Steve Biko was buried in a muddy plot beside the railroad tracks after a marathon funeral that was as much a protest rally against the white minority government’s racial policies as it was a commemoration of the country’s foremost young black leader. Several thousand black mourners punched the air with clenched fists and shouted “Power!” as Biko’s coffin was lowered into the grave. The crowd of more than ten thousand listened to successive speakers warning the government that Biko’s death would push Blacks further towards violence in their quest for racial equality.
Due to local and international outcry his death prompted an inquest which at first did not adequately reveal the circumstances surrounding his death. Police alleged that he died from a hunger strike and independent sources said he was brutally murdered by police. Although his death was attributed to “a prison accident,” evidence presented during the 15-day inquest into Biko’s death revealed otherwise. During his detention in a Port Elizabeth police cell he had been chained to a grill at night and left to lie in urine-soaked blankets. He had been stripped naked and kept in leg-irons for 48 hours in his cell. A blow in a scuffle with security police led to him suffering brain damage by the time he was driven naked and manacled in the back of a police van to Pretoria, where, on 12 September 1977 he died.
Two years later a South African Medical and Dental Council (SAMDC) disciplinary committee found there was no prima facie case against the two doctors who had treated Biko shortly before his death. Dissatisfied doctors, seeking another inquiry into the role of the medical authorities who had treated Biko shortly before his death, presented a petition to the SAMDC in February 1982, but this was rejected on the grounds that no new evidence had come to light. Biko’s death caught the attention of the international community, which increased the pressure on the South African government to abolish its detention policies and called for an international probe on the cause of his death. Even close allies of South Africa, Britain and the United States of America, expressed deep concern about the death of Biko. They also joined the increasing demand for an international probe.
It took eight years and intense pressure before the South African Medical Council took disciplinary action. On 30 January, 1985, the Pretoria Supreme Court ordered the SAMDC to hold an inquiry into the conduct of the two doctors who treated Steve Biko during the five days before he died. Judge President of the Transvaal, Justice W G Boshoff, said in a landmark judgment that there was prima facie evidence of improper or disgraceful conduct on the part of the “Biko” doctors in a professional respect. This serves to illustrate that so many years after Biko’s death his influence lived on.
He is survived by two sons.
The banning and detention of several SASO and BPC leaders under the Terrorism Act threatened to cripple the Black Consciousness Movement. However, the accused used the seventeen-month trial that followed as a platform to state the case of Black Consciousness. Although they were found guilty and sentenced to various terms of imprisonment for revolutionary conspiracy they were later acquitted. Their convictions further strengthened the Black Consciousness movement. The repression instituted under the Terrorism Act caused Blacks to lose sympathy with moderate revolutionary policies, leading to more militancy and hope for emancipation. During the Soweto riots of June 1976 there were violent clashes between high school students (protesting the use of Afrikaans as the medium of academic instruction) and police marking the beginning of widespread urban unrest, which threatened law and order.
The wave of strikes during and after Soweto demonstrated, to a large extent, the influence Biko exerted on South African socio-political life. Although he did not directly take part in the Soweto riots, the influence of Black Consciousness ideas spurred students to fight an unjust system particularly after they were compelled to accept Afrikaans as a language for use in schools. In the wake of the urban revolt of 1976 and with the prospects of national revolution becoming increasingly real, security police detained Biko, the outspoken student leader, on August 18th. At this time Biko had begun studying law by mail through the University of South Africa/UNISA. He was thirty years old and was reportedly extremely fit when arrested. He was taken to Port Elizabeth but was later transferred to Pretoria where he died in detention under mysterious circumstances in 1977.
Thirteen Western nations sent diplomats to his funeral on 25 September. Nevertheless, police actions prevented thousands of mourners from reaching the funeral venue from Johannesburg, Durban, Cape Town and other areas on the grounds that this would lead to lawlessness. Police armed with FN rifles and machine guns erected and manned a number of roadblocks to prevent thousands of mourners from all over the country to converge on the town for the funeral of Steve Biko. Mourners from the Transvaal were barred from attending the funeral when permits were refused for buses. One of the speakers, Dr. Nthato Motlana, who flew from Johannesburg after he was blocked off when attempting to travel by road, said at the funeral that he had watched with disgust as black police hauled mourners off the buses in Soweto and assaulted them with truncheons. The physician said he had treated 30 of the mourners, some for fractured skulls, and allegedly witnessed a number of young women being raped.
Later in the day, Steve Biko was buried in a muddy plot beside the railroad tracks after a marathon funeral that was as much a protest rally against the white minority government’s racial policies as it was a commemoration of the country’s foremost young black leader. Several thousand black mourners punched the air with clenched fists and shouted “Power!” as Biko’s coffin was lowered into the grave. The crowd of more than ten thousand listened to successive speakers warning the government that Biko’s death would push Blacks further towards violence in their quest for racial equality.
Due to local and international outcry his death prompted an inquest which at first did not adequately reveal the circumstances surrounding his death. Police alleged that he died from a hunger strike and independent sources said he was brutally murdered by police. Although his death was attributed to “a prison accident,” evidence presented during the 15-day inquest into Biko’s death revealed otherwise. During his detention in a Port Elizabeth police cell he had been chained to a grill at night and left to lie in urine-soaked blankets. He had been stripped naked and kept in leg-irons for 48 hours in his cell. A blow in a scuffle with security police led to him suffering brain damage by the time he was driven naked and manacled in the back of a police van to Pretoria, where, on 12 September 1977 he died.
Two years later a South African Medical and Dental Council (SAMDC) disciplinary committee found there was no prima facie case against the two doctors who had treated Biko shortly before his death. Dissatisfied doctors, seeking another inquiry into the role of the medical authorities who had treated Biko shortly before his death, presented a petition to the SAMDC in February 1982, but this was rejected on the grounds that no new evidence had come to light. Biko’s death caught the attention of the international community, which increased the pressure on the South African government to abolish its detention policies and called for an international probe on the cause of his death. Even close allies of South Africa, Britain and the United States of America, expressed deep concern about the death of Biko. They also joined the increasing demand for an international probe.
It took eight years and intense pressure before the South African Medical Council took disciplinary action. On 30 January, 1985, the Pretoria Supreme Court ordered the SAMDC to hold an inquiry into the conduct of the two doctors who treated Steve Biko during the five days before he died. Judge President of the Transvaal, Justice W G Boshoff, said in a landmark judgment that there was prima facie evidence of improper or disgraceful conduct on the part of the “Biko” doctors in a professional respect. This serves to illustrate that so many years after Biko’s death his influence lived on.
He is survived by two sons.
Wednesday, September 10, 2008
Swahili
Swahili is spoken natively by various groups traditionally inhabiting about 1,500 miles of the East African coastline. About 35% of the Swahili vocabulary derives from the Arabic language, resulting from the fact that the language evolved through centuries of contact between Arabic-speaking traders and many different Bantu-speaking peoples inhabiting Africa's Indian Ocean coast. It also has incorporated Persian, German, Portuguese, Indian and English words into its vocabulary due to contact with these different groups of people. Swahili has become a second language spoken by tens of millions in three countries, Tanzania, Kenya, and Congo (DRC), where it is an official or national language. The neighboring nation of Uganda made Swahili a required subject in primary schools in 1992 – although this mandate has not been well implemented – and declared it an official language in 2005. Swahili, or other closely related languages, is also used by relatively small numbers of people in Burundi, Rwanda, Mozambique, Somalia, and Zambia, and nearly the entire population of the Comoros.
In the Guthrie nongenetic classification of Bantu languages, Swahili is included under Bantoid/Southern/Narrow Bantu/Central/G.
The name 'Kiswahili' comes from the plural of the Arabic word sāhil ساحل: sawāhil سواحل meaning "boundary" or "coast" (used as an adjective to mean "coastal dwellers" or, by adding 'ki-' ["language"] to mean "coastal language"). (The word "sahel" is also used for the border zone of the Sahara ("desert")). The incorporation of the final "i" is likely to be the nisba (adjectival form) in Arabic (of the coast "sawāhalii" سواحلي), although some state it is for phonetic reasons.
One of the earliest known documents in Swahili is an epic poem in the Arabic script titled Utendi wa Tambuka ("The History of Tambuka"); it is dated 1728. The Latin alphabet has since become standard under the influence of European colonial powers
In the Guthrie nongenetic classification of Bantu languages, Swahili is included under Bantoid/Southern/Narrow Bantu/Central/G.
The name 'Kiswahili' comes from the plural of the Arabic word sāhil ساحل: sawāhil سواحل meaning "boundary" or "coast" (used as an adjective to mean "coastal dwellers" or, by adding 'ki-' ["language"] to mean "coastal language"). (The word "sahel" is also used for the border zone of the Sahara ("desert")). The incorporation of the final "i" is likely to be the nisba (adjectival form) in Arabic (of the coast "sawāhalii" سواحلي), although some state it is for phonetic reasons.
One of the earliest known documents in Swahili is an epic poem in the Arabic script titled Utendi wa Tambuka ("The History of Tambuka"); it is dated 1728. The Latin alphabet has since become standard under the influence of European colonial powers
Ways o f Recording African History
Societies throughout sub-Saharan Africa have preserved knowledge about the past through verbal, visual, and written art forms. Often, the responsibility of recording historical information was consigned to professional historians, trusted individuals whose superior wisdom and training equipped them to remember and interpret vast stores of information for the benefit of the community. In centralized states and chiefdoms, historians were often religious or political advisors who regulated royal power, supporting or checking it as necessary. Records and narratives kept by African historians are among the most informative sources for the reconstruction of precolonial history on the continent. Epics about heroic warriors and kings performed by jeliw (sing. jeli), a hereditary class of singers in the western Sudan, provide a detailed political history of this region that has been corroborated by contemporaneous Arabic texts. In Central Africa, Kuba historians have maintained royal chronologies that include references to the solar eclipse of 1680 and the 1835 sighting of Halley's comet. These events have enabled researchers to assign approximate dates to key moments in the development of the Kuba kingdom.
History as Spoken WordHistories were transmitted orally, in performance and from one generation of specialists to the next. While some narratives, such as those detailing the origins of a nation or royal lineage, were mythic in scope, others were much more prosaic and might have concerned legal codes or accounts of village or clan history. Some historical texts, especially epics, were components of greater performance traditions in which the verbal artistry of the narrator was as significant as the story itself. Performers were encouraged to manipulate their medium for the most pleasing results, although the basic story remained the same. In contrast, texts that concerned legal matters or dynastic lists, in which verbal accuracy was of paramount importance, were learned by rote so that even the original words were preserved. This practice often conserved archaic or formalized language that required interpretation by specialists, and the cryptic qualities of the texts added to their aura of importance. African historians frequently used aids to help them recall and organize the extensive amounts of information with which they were entrusted. Musical accompaniment, for instance, not only enhanced a performance but also helped to pace and structure the narrative. The kora (1975.59) and ngoni are two stringed instruments played by the Mande jeliw during their presentations of great heroic epics. Lamellophones ("thumb pianos") also provided a musical component to historical recitations. An important work by a Chokwe master from what is today Angola or the Democratic Republic of Congo neatly demonstrates this intersection of music and historical narrative. It portrays the legendary culture hero Chibinda Ilunga playing a lamellophone (1988.157), the very instrument whose notes would have accompanied the numerous historical sagas of which he was the subject. A memory aid could also be visual, its composition evoking the structure and content of the narrative it represented. One of the most intricate of these visual memory devices was the lukasa used by the mbudye association of the Luba peoples from what is now Democratic Republic of Congo. The mbudye association was responsible for protecting and sustaining Luba political and historical principles, which they conveyed to the rest of Luba society through performances and artworks. As its members graduated from one level of the association to the next, their knowledge became ever more profound. At its apex, members learned to read the lukasa and utilize the information it held. To the uninitiated, a lukasa appeared to be nothing more than a flat piece of wood covered with pins and brightly colored beads or, as in the example (1977.467.3) from the Museum's collection, intricately carved human heads and incised geometric patterns. However, each board contained a wealth of information about the history of the chiefdom, genealogical records of the ruler and titleholders, medicinal practices, and information about geographic landmarks of social, political, and religious importance.
Images of the PastImportant individuals were immortalized in sculptural traditions that venerated the memory of past rulers and court officials. Such portraits might have been produced during the life of the subject and preserved over time or sculpted posthumously, and were often central to the political workings of the kingdom. An eighteenth-century portrait of King Shyaam a-Mbul a Ngoong, the great Kuba leader who a century earlier had overseen the efflorescence of Kuba courtly culture, is part of a series of royal figures called ndop meant to represent and memorialize the lineage of Kuba kings (figure of King Shyaam ambul a Ngoong, The British Museum). Each ruler claimed this set of sculptures as part of his royal treasury and supervised the creation of his own portrait to be added to the series. The possession and display of these treasures invoked Kuba history and indicated legitimate descent from this long line of revered kings. Depictions of past events and ceremonies, or scenes from courtly life, are much less common in traditional African art. The cast brass sculpture of Benin in present-day Nigeria is one of the few genres in which these subjects can be found, and the great volume of cast objects produced by Edo artists offer an unparalleled visual record of this African kingdom prior to the colonial encounter. Particularly informative are the brass plaques produced until the mid-eighteenth century that originally hung from the columns and rafters of the royal palace (1990.332). Although their positions of display might suggest a decorative purpose, these plaques were ultimately historical documents. Indeed, sometime in the nineteenth century they were taken down and utilized as an archive that was consulted on matters concerning courtly ritual and regalia.
Written HistoryThroughout sub-Saharan Africa, dedication to traditions of scholarship and literary production has ensured that knowledge of the past has survived for hundreds of years. During the Middle Ages, major centers of religious learning arose in both East and West Africa, hastening the spread of literacy and promoting reverence for the power of the written word. Monasteries throughout Christian Ethiopia produced illuminated manuscripts of great refinement and beauty written in Ge'ez, the indigenous written language of the royal court. Literate individuals also produced autobiographical accounts and other writings of a secular nature. In the western Sudan, centers of trade such as Jenne and Timbuktu were early outposts for the spread of Islam in the region. Cities with venerable and deeply felt ties to the Muslim world, they were homes to imposing mosques and the oldest universities and libraries in sub-Saharan Africa. The library at Timbuktu has survived to the present day and counts 400-year-old volumes of poetry, manuscripts on the sciences and history, and Qur’anic texts among its holdings. Thousands of students traveled to Timbuktu to study at the university at Sankore Mosque, where they learned astronomy, mathematics, and medicine. Throughout West Africa, Qur’anic schools associated with mosques still educate younger generations of scholars in Muslim philosophy and the art of calligraphy. Wooden writing boards (Koranic Board, The Brooklyn Museum of Art)are used for this purpose: characters written in ink or charcoal are easily washed off, providing a fresh surface for additional exercises.
Muslim scholars were also prominent recorders of history along the Swahili Coast of East Africa and on the island of Madagascar. In the seventeenth and eighteenth century, scribes at the courts of both indigenous and Arab-Malagasy rulers produced royal records written in Arabic script called sora-bé. The earliest of these documents contained mostly religious formulae, but in later decades political accounts and clan genealogies were also recorded.
Friday Poetry by the Dam
Friday poetry sessionz at T.U.T main campus have being taking place for a month now and each week has brought whole lot of new poets and performances from around pretoria, to share they artistic overview of how they view life while taking a breather from they current studies. As a the member of the movement and a lover of the arts, i would like to invite all who would like to have platform to grow, for these sessions are run by students and for the students. For this is time for us young people to mobilise our minds with the true essence of being and also taking pride in who we really are.
We hope that this movement could enhance a culture of learning beyond the class room but also in our leisure time and then maybe would take pride in what we create as our's to serve as a vehicle for betterment of our black community and not just on campus.
We hope that this movement could enhance a culture of learning beyond the class room but also in our leisure time and then maybe would take pride in what we create as our's to serve as a vehicle for betterment of our black community and not just on campus.
And oh! September 19, we will be have the huge session to close for the one week recess, so make a note somewhere as you dont want miss this one! And this week is on too!
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